Meghívó a Fridrich Ebert Stiftung Social Europe Talk webinárjára 2021 május 4.-én 14:00 -15:00 között

A Friedrich Ebert Stiftung által támogatott Social Europe Talk sorozat következő epizódjára május 4-én, kedden, közép-európai idő szerint 14.00-15.00 órakor kerül sor, a három nappal későbbi portói szociális csúcstalálkozót megelőzően.

A vitát élőben a Zoom vagy a YouTube linkjén keresztül követheti.

Most, hogy a 2017-ben elindított szociális jogok európai pillérét cselekvési tervvé alakították át, a kulcsfontosságú szereplőkkel együtt vizsgáljuk meg, hogyan valósítható meg egy mindenkit befogadó Európa. Vajon a “negatív” piaci integráció évtizedes dominanciáját valóban felváltja-e a pozitív, szociálpolitikai fókusz, amikor ezt hagyományosan a tagállamok előjogaként képzelték el? Lehet-e európai szintű megállapodás a szociális befektetés vagy a szociális-ökológiai állam céljáról? Helyes-e, hogy a cselekvési terv a célokra, a nyomon követésre és a finanszírozásra összpontosít, nem pedig az elérni kívánt szociális eredményekre és az ezek eléréséhez szükséges programokra – mint például egy európai szintű munkanélküliség-viszontbiztosítási rendszer -? És mindez megvalósítható-e európai makrogazdasági kormányzás és sokkal nagyobb költségvetési kapacitás nélkül?

A virtuális asztal körül ülnek majd:

José António Vieira da Silva, a portói szociális csúcstalálkozó szervezője és korábbi portugál munkaügyi miniszter.

Agnes Jongerius, az Európai Parlament foglalkoztatási és szociális ügyekkel foglalkozó bizottságának szocialista és demokrata tagja.

Sandra Pereira, Az Európai Parlament foglalkoztatási és szociális ügyek bizottságának alelnöke, A Baloldal

Andreas Botsch, a DGB (Német Szakszervezeti Szövetség) nemzetközi osztályának igazgatója.

A moderátor Robin Wilson, a Social Europe megbízott főszerkesztője lesz.

Kategória: Nincs kategorizálva | Meghívó a Fridrich Ebert Stiftung Social Europe Talk webinárjára 2021 május 4.-én 14:00 -15:00 között bejegyzéshez a hozzászólások lehetősége kikapcsolva

Report on the 3rd virtual conference (webinar) of the Hungarian Social Forum on the Future of Europe and the Social Pillar of the European Union

The webinar was held on 23rd April 2021 with six keynote speakers and about two dozens of participants, members of the Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) grouping in the Hungarian Social Forum (HSF). The webinar was opened by Matyas Benyik, Chairman of HSF. He has given a piece of information on the Declaration of the Conference on the Future of Europe organised by the European Commission, the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament early March 2021.

Dr. Nicolas Schmit, European Union`s Commissioner for Jobs an Social Rights sent us a video message, in which he greeted the participants of our webinar. The video is downloadable LR MP4 here:

or FHD MP4:

It is quite remarkable that Dr. László Andor, former EU Commissioner for Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion, former Head of the Scientific Council of ATTAC Hungary gave us a lecture on the political pillars of Social Europe.

Dr. István Horváth, Head of the Department of Labour and Social Law of Eötvös Loránd University, Secretary of the Hungarian Labour Law Society was talking about the virtues, objections and shortcomings of the Hungarian Labour Law , which entered into force 9 years ago.

The following speaker`s contribution, namely that of Mr. László Kordás, President of the Hungarian Trade Union Confederation about the general and national requirements for instruments to promote the overarching interests of the European workers` society well matched to the previous speaker.

Annajuli Rosenfeld and Péter Somogyi, Coordinators of the Hungarian Solidarity Action Group consisting of 29 CSOs presented us the operating conditions of European youth NGOs in creating cooperation between caring societies.

Dr. Zoltán Tóth, Ex-Secretary of State of the Ministry of Interior, former Chairman of the National Electoral Commission, election expert explained in details how to transform the election system of the EU politicl decisin-making bodies.

Finally, Dr. László Herczog, former Minister of Labour and Social Affairs set the tasks for establisment of European and national regulations and mechanisms to ensure and maintain the balance of the labour market and the social network.

All the webinar was recorded and the speakers` contributions were cut into clips and now available (regretfully only in Hungarian) on Youtube, the relevant links are as follows:

Mátyás Benyik Mátyás (introduction)

László Andor (political pillars of social Europe)

István Horváth István(Hungarian Labour Law)

László Kordás (everyday`s TU expreinces)

Annajuli Rosenfeld & Péter Somogyi (Youth and care)

Zoltán Tóth (EU election system)

László Herczog (labour market and social net)

We enlose herewith the summary of the conference in English (translated with the help of deepL translation robot).

Summary of the deliberations of the 3rd virtual conference of HSF held on 23 April 2021

In 2017, the European Union took a crucial step to open a new phase in the development of the European Union – it created the so-called “social pillar”, but the European Council did not ratify it. As we know, on 7-8 May, in Porto (Portugal), there will be a social summit on the practical implementation of the social pillar, based on the so-called Action Plan issued by the European Commission. These planned tasks are organised under three main headings: equal opportunities and access to the labour market, fair working conditions, including wages, and social protection and social inclusion. Although some social measures have been taken, they still lack institutional guarantees. An action plan for 2021 has been developed, bringing back the idea of long-term planning with targets. It is important that these are not only the Commission’s targets, but that they are also confirmed by the Heads of State and Government in the European Council.

It must be achieved that social affairs can be subordinated to other areas of government in order to achieve these targets. It would be important to raise the responsibility for social affairs in the European Commission to vice-president level. This has never happened before in the history of the Union.

It would also be necessary to strengthen the influence and participation of the social partners in the economic governance of the European Union. The Commission should also provide more effective support for capacity building of the social partners in the Member States. The Union must be developed into a social Union, so we should not simply talk about a social dimension, but about a strong social Union. This can only have a limited impact if it is not accompanied by reforms elsewhere, for example in the areas of monetary union, financial regulation and cohesion policy to help catch up. The key question is how much control societies will have.

The EU must provide a sustaining environment. So it should not become a welfare state itself, but help stabilise the welfare systems of the member states. An important example of the latter would be the establishment of a reinsurance of unemployment benefit funds, which the current Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has already promised. A common unemployment insurance fund would bail out Member States’ unemployment insurance resources in the event of major crises, as is the case in the US. Our aim is to prevent a drift between the centre and the periphery.

Establishing unemployment insurance at EU level, in whatever form, even as reinsurance, would have a threefold stabilising effect. First, it would stabilise solvent demand in times of crisis. It would thus restore the chances of an earlier resumption of growth in countries that are temporarily in recession and, secondly, it would help to stabilise the social situation in the zones concerned, preventing or at least curbing social divergence, as measured by poverty rates or income inequality.

The big challenge for the EU in the decade ahead is to implement the euro reform and to further catch up the peripheral eastern regions without the internal polarisation that has been experienced so far, or even to reverse it. We must take the initiative to take joint action against inequalities and imbalances. This requires the use of legislative instruments, policy coordination and the EU budget. It is essential to reform the EU’s fiscal rules before the end of this parliamentary term, so that the EU is not simply a fiscal constraint for Member States, but also an opportunity for an active fiscal policy that allows for the expansion of incomes to boost the economy. But neither is it possible to reverse harmful trends without, for example, setting and maintaining health standards at EU level and taking the social union seriously.

All of this must be included in a new (basic) treaty or a treaty amendment. The conference on the future of Europe, which will formally start in May 2021, could easily end with the conclusion that the Treaty needs to be amended or even a new Treaty.

Sustaining the EU requires a transformation of the EU – a fundamental means of doing so is to transform the legitimating electoral system to reduce and then eliminate the EU’s democratic deficit.

The scale of this task calls for the creation of a new discipline, electoral science, using the tools, methods and results of almost all social sciences.

The current electoral systems are all prisoners of politics, of the parliamentary interests of the various political parties. Thus fraud is a “natural” part of elections, but only in dictatorships does it go unpunished. The triple requirement for democratic elections is freedom, fairness and transparency. The weakness of the latter is that even the OSCE does not define the content of this criterion. Any fair electoral law must be based on aspects of the parliamentary system. On this basis, the reform(s) of the functioning of the EU must, above all, start from a redefinition of the functions of the European Parliament and a redefinition of the democratic objectives that serve these functions. Reform of the EU’s electoral system can only be built on this basis.

The objectives that this system must pursue are:

a.) To make the continent economically competitive in a way that at the same time provides a secure livelihood for all EU citizens;

b.) To be an allied state, but neither a United States of Europe nor a “continental UN”; joint decision-making should be limited to the areas of defence, foreign affairs and finance, with national sovereignty in other areas;

c.) the social structure, economic and political objectives must be harmoniously integrated and the principle of solidarity, democracy and a balanced relationship between political parties and civil society organisations must be fully respected.

It is essential to radically renew the EU’s founding treaty in order to establish and maintain its viability, and to redefine the structure of the Union, the tasks and powers of its institutions and its rules. A one-round, list-based system of a law – or two laws (a substantive law and the creation of procedural rules) – legitimising the EU must be created, with all the material and technical conditions for this. Only parties with a verifiable and regulated membership in at least 7 (seven) Member States should be allowed to sit in the EU Parliament. This inevitably requires the establishment of a European Federal Electoral System and an EU Electoral Register, a register of parties and their candidates, as well as a complete overhaul of the current campaign rules and campaign financing, which is a hotbed of general corruption. It should also be demanded that a system of education in electoral science be built up from basic education onwards and made compulsory.

The synchronisation of the regulation of labour and the process of self-development of capital, and the resolution of the discrepancy, are of primary importance. The concentration of capital is not only an accounting/legal process, but also fundamentally political. It cannot therefore be reduced to technical legal solutions. Without a coherent and workable development of strike law, any development of the EU is an illusion.

A change of mindset is needed – to develop a European minimum wage as a manifestation of European unity. This requires a rejection of the belief in the omnipotence of the market – a comprehensive regulation of the market. The starting point for any meaningful progress is to open up the possibilities for widespread trade unionism – to increase the current 20 % trade union organisation (unionisation level) to 70 %.

The starting point for problem-solving in EU reform is to identify which issues are urgent and unavoidable, and to strengthen the fabric of social rights and society. The ecological crisis is the crisis of capitalism – its solution is the convergence of left and green organisations.

The current system is based on the market-based provision of an increasing share of social needs. The institutional framework for workers’ representation has disappeared. The regulation of these rights is a national matter for the Member States, with the result that the Member States have a wide range of different practices, and it is essential to regulate them in law. Wage labour inevitably brings with it a crisis of reproductive labour. But also a housing crisis – and a long series of forced situations, including its characteristic form, housing poverty.

State support is not a real help. The education system works to increase the crisis, by increasing the cost of education, by limiting opportunities to enter the market. For students, the crisis is deep and deepening. This is coupled with and exacerbated by forced digitalisation.

The globalised food system is dysfunctional and ecologically unsustainable. Its nutrients are low – which breeds quality hunger. In the EU budget system, support for agriculture – public money – goes to large producers for 99% of what is spent on it.

The current EU operating system wants to solve the problems that it generates, triggers and causes. So a new ecosystem is needed, which requires cooperation with alternative organisations existing in Europe, a transformative social system of solidarity. The solidarity economy is an alternative to capitalism and other authoritarian economic systems. Trade union organisation and ‘new wave cooperatives’ – no longer for wage workers. Which would be complemented by consumer cooperatives.

Participatory management based on worker ownership should be developed. EU citizens should not be addressed as individual consumers and workers, but should be targeted at a comprehensive restructuring of the structure of production and consumption. The EU’s 20 principles are essentially completely irrelevant to the crisis phenomena that are known and discussed.

What is needed is a just transition and a sustainable transition that is transparent and based on worker ownership. Aid must take into account the different situations of the Member States and be used in a way that does not serve to restore the economic structures that have led to the crisis.

About Hungary:

One of the great lessons of the past decades is that the double standard has been that we loudly proclaim the need to help the disadvantaged, the poor, but in reality we believe that helping them is not a priority Among other things, because we hold the disadvantaged, the poor, responsible for this situation, it stifles even the most progressive aspirations. We are silencing the decades, or rather centuries, of progress that have led to the always unequal conditions that have led to the current state of affairs.

What is needed is a caring state, the building of a cooperative society of autonomous individuals, for which the rule of law is a sine qua non. A progressive personal income tax is needed. The eradication of child poverty should be a priority.

The current 90-day period for job-seeker’s allowance should be extended to at least nine months. Education is the main means of preventing poverty from becoming a legacy. A significant reduction in inequalities in education, i.e. equal access to knowledge, is the most important long-term task.

The introduction of an integrated social and health care system is an essential prerequisite. And a precondition for any change is that everyone has a roof over their heads.

Social policy is much more than welfare, and a successful policy can only be achieved in a whole-of-government framework if all ministries, all state agencies, take the necessary measures. If we do not start to reduce social inequalities, if we silently assist in the division of society, in the impossibility of more and more families to live, then it is in vain to claim GDP growth, in vain to boast about the rise in real income, which does not occur among the disadvantaged – Hungary’s modernisation will fail.

27 April 2021

Hungarian Social Forum

Kategória: Nincs kategorizálva | Report on the 3rd virtual conference (webinar) of the Hungarian Social Forum on the Future of Europe and the Social Pillar of the European Union bejegyzéshez a hozzászólások lehetősége kikapcsolva

Attac Németország vitaindítója a legutóbbi világpolitikai fejleményekről

Az ATTAC logója

Békepolitika az új világrendben

Az európai Attac-hálózat hozzászólása a békepolitikai vitához


A nemzetközi rendszer, amelyet a hidegháború után az egyetlen megmaradt szuperhatalom, az USA globális dominanciája jellemzett, történelmi méreteket ölt. A globális dél országainak, mindenekelőtt Kínának és a jövőben Indiának a gazdasági és politikai felemelkedése, valamint Oroszország nagyhatalmi reneszánsza megváltoztatja a nemzetközi erőviszonyokat. A világrendszer egypólusú struktúrája többpólusú renddé változik. Európa és észak-amerikai ágának a “világ többi része” feletti 500 éves gazdasági, politikai és kulturális dominanciájának korszaka a végéhez közeledik.

Lehetőség a nemzetközi rendszer demokratizálására

A felfordulás egy lépés lehet a nemzetközi rendszer bizonyos demokratizálása felé, ahogyan azt a felemelkedő csillagok is követelik: “Demokratikusabb és igazságosabb, többpólusú világot akarunk, amely a nemzetközi jogon, az egyenlőségen, a kölcsönös tiszteleten, az együttműködésen, a közös fellépésen és az összes állam kollektív döntésein alapul. Nem arról van szó, hogy a régi dominanciát új dominanciával váltsuk fel, hanem arról, hogy végre az ENSZ Alapokmány szellemében alakítsuk át a nemzetközi kapcsolatokat.

Az USA globális vezetői igénye

Az USA (és szövetségesei) azonban minden erejével ragaszkodik a hatalmi politika monopóliumához. Obama 2014-ben kijelentette: “Amerikának mindig vezető szerepet kell játszania a világ színpadán”. Trump ezt folytatta, és Biden is azt akarja elérni, hogy “Amerika ismét a világ élére álljon”. Trumppal ellentétben azonban az új elnök megpróbálja az EU-t inkább junior partnerként visszahozni, és egy Japán, Ausztrália és mások bevonásával működő táboralakulatot szorgalmaz. Az ellenreakció a Moszkva-Peking tengely megszilárdítása. Hidegháború 2.0 fenyeget.

Ebben a helyzetben nagyon veszélyessé válhatnak a nemzetközi rendszerben zajló emelkedő és süllyedő folyamatok. Az első világháború előtörténete az imperialista Németországnak a Brit Birodalom és az “örökös ellenség” Franciaország riválisaként való felemelkedésével dermesztő példa erre.

Fegyverkezési verseny és konfrontáció kontra klímavédelem

Emellett a fegyverzetellenőrzési szerződések egyoldalú felmondása az USA részéről a technikai újításokkal – a hadsereg digitalizációja, az űr militarizálása, hiperszonikus hordozórendszerek stb. – robbanásveszélyes helyzetet teremt, amely új fegyverkezési versenyt gerjeszthet és destabilizálhatja a nukleáris egyensúlyt. Ez drámaian növeli a nukleáris háború veszélyét.

A világ ellenséges táborokra való felosztása hatalmas gazdasági, politikai és emberi erőforrásokat emészt fel, amelyekre sürgősen szükség lenne az éghajlat, a környezetvédelem és a globális szegénység globális kihívásainak kezeléséhez. Az éghajlati katasztrófa mellett újra megjelent a nukleáris tél veszélye.

Az emberi jogok és a demokrácia instrumentalizálása

Joe Biden azzal indokolja vezetői igényét, hogy az autoriter és demokratikus rendszerek közötti különbséget a nemzetközi kapcsolatok súlypontjának nyilvánítja. Ezzel az ellenség és az én fekete-fehér bináris képét konstruálja meg. Nemcsak azt a jogot követeli magának, hogy meghatározza, mi és ki a demokratikus és ki az autoriter, hanem ebből vezeti le azt a jogot is, hogy beavatkozzon más országok belső viszonyaiba, akár a rendszerváltásig, sőt, szankciókat szabjon ki olyan harmadik országokra, amelyek nem tartják be az irányelveit. Ez az önjelölt világrendőr arroganciája.

Az emberi jogok és a demokrácia az emancipációs mozgalmak alapértékei közé tartoznak. Ezen nem szabad változtatni. Ezért számunkra, mint civil társadalom számára legitim, hogy kritizáljuk ezek megsértését más országokban is. Ez ugyanúgy vonatkozik a társadalomban, a rendőri apparátusban és az igazságszolgáltatásban tapasztalható strukturális rasszizmusra az USA-ban, mint az etnikai kisebbségek elnyomására Kínában vagy az EU menekültpolitikája által a Közel-Keleten bekövetkező több ezer haláleset elfogadására. És ez vonatkozik Izraelnek a palesztinok elleni emberi jogi jogsértéseire éppúgy, mint a sajtószabadság és a tüntetésszabadság korlátozására Franciaországban vagy Oroszországban.

Továbbá, az emberi jogok fogalma magában foglalja az ENSZ által meghatározott gazdasági és szociális emberi jogokat is. Ez azt jelenti, hogy például Kína emberi jogi teljesítménye, amely egy generáció alatt emberek százmillióit emelte ki a teljes szegénységből, és biztosította számukra az egészségügyi és oktatási ellátást, árnyaltabb, mint ahogyan azt a nyugati kormányok és az államhatalmi médiánk bemutatják.

Kategorikus különbség van a mi és kormányaink emberi jogi megközelítése között. Pontosan azért, mert az emberi jogok egyetemesek és oszthatatlanok, a geopolitikai érdekeken alapuló szelektív megközelítés álmorálhoz vezet. Amikor a világ Merkeljei és Macronjai milliárdos üzleteket kötnek Szaúd-Arábiával, Egyiptommal vagy Törökországgal fegyvergyártó cégeik számára, akkor az emberi jogi politikájuk képmutató bohózattá válik.

Békepolitika az élvonalban

A nemzetközi rendszerben végbemenő zavarok és ezek kapcsolódása az éghajlat, a környezetvédelem, a szociális stb. válságokhoz olyan új és nagyon összetett helyzetet teremtettek, amely a békepolitika megújítását igényli. Nyilatkozatunkkal erről szeretnénk vitát kezdeményezni. A cél egy olyan békepolitika kialakítása, amely megfelel a kornak.

Mert a béke nem minden, de béke nélkül minden más semmi

Megjegyzés: DeepL fordítórobottal magyarítva angolból

Kategória: Nincs kategorizálva | Attac Németország vitaindítója a legutóbbi világpolitikai fejleményekről bejegyzéshez a hozzászólások lehetősége kikapcsolva

PROGRAM of the 3rd virtual conference of the Hungarian Social Forum (HSF) to be held on 23rd April 2021

15:00 – 15:10Opening. Information on the Declaration of the Conference on the Future of Europe organised by the European Commission, the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament.

Speaker: Mátyás Benyik, Chairman of HSF. 10 mins

15:10 – 15:15 Video message of theEuropean Commissioner for Jobs and Social Rights

Speaker: Dr. Nicolas Schmit, EU Commissioner 5 mins

15:15 – 15:35 Political pillars of Social Europe

Speaker: dr. László Andor, former European Commissioner for Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion. 20 mins

15:35 – 15:55 9 years after the entry into force of the Labor Code – virtues, objections, shortcomings

Speaker: Dr. István Horváth, Head of the Department of Labor and Social Law of Eötvös Loránd University, Secretary of the Hungarian Labor Law Society 20 mins

15:55 – 16:15 General and national requirements for instruments to promote the overarching interests of European workers’ society

Speaker: László Kordás, President of the Hungarian Trade Union Confederation 20 mins

16:15 – 16:35 The operating conditions of European youth NGOs in creating cooperation between caring societies

Speakers: Annajuli Rosenfeld and Péter Somogyi, Coordinators of Solidarity Action Group 20 mins

16:35 – 16:55 Transforming the election system of the European Union’s political decision-making bodies

Speaker: dr. Zoltán Tóth , Ex-Secretary of State of the Ministry of Interior, former Chairman of the National Electoral Commission, election expert 20 mins

16:55 – 17:15 Tasks for the establishment of European and national regulations and mechanisms to ensure and maintain the balance of the labor market and the social network

Speaker: dr. László Herczog, former Minister of Labor and Social Affairs 20 mins

17:15 – 17:25 Summary and closing remarks 10 mins

Mátyás Benyik

Kategória: Nincs kategorizálva | PROGRAM of the 3rd virtual conference of the Hungarian Social Forum (HSF) to be held on 23rd April 2021 bejegyzéshez a hozzászólások lehetősége kikapcsolva

A Magyar Társadalmi Fórum (MTF) 2021. április 23-i, III. (virtuális) tanácskozásának programja

Antifa demo Firenzében a Fortezza da Basso előtt

15:00 – 15:10Megnyitó. Tájékoztatás az Európai Bizottság, az Európai Unió Tanácsa és az Európai Parlament Európa jövőjéről szóló Konferenciájának Nyilatkozatáról.

Előadó: Benyik Mátyás, az MTF elnöke. 10 perc

15:10 . 15:15 Az Európai Unió Munkaügyi és Szociális Jogokért felelős biztosának videóüzenete

Előadó: Dr. Nicolas Schmit, EU Munkaügyi és Szociális Jogok Biztosa 5 perc

15:15 – 15:35 A szociális Európa politikai pillérei

Előadó: dr. Andor László, az Európai Bizottság foglalkoztatásért, szociális ügyekért és társadalmi befogadásért felelős korábbi biztosa. 20 perc

15:35 – 15:55 9 évvel a Munka Törvénykönyve életbelépése után – erények, kifogások, hiányok

Előadó: Dr. Horváth István, az ELTE Munkajogi és Szociális Jogi Tanszékének vezetője, a Magyar Munkajogi Társaság titkára 20 perc

15:55 – 16:15 Az európai munkástársadalom átfogó érdekeit érvényre juttató eszközök általános és nemzeti követelményei

Előadó: Kordás László, a Magyar Szakszervezetek Országos Szövetségének elnöke 20 perc

16:15 – 16:35 A fiatalság civil szerveződései európai működési feltételei a gondoskodó társadalmak együttműködésnek létrehozásában

Előadók: Rosenfeld Annajuli és Somogyi Péter, a Szolidaritás Akció Csoport (SzACs) koordinátorai 20 perc

16:35 – 16:55 Az Európai Unió politikai döntéshozó testületeit választó rendszer átalakítása

Előadó: dr. Tóth Zoltán, a Belügyminisztérium korábbi államtitkára, az OVB korábbi elnöke, választási szakértő 20 perc

16:55 – 17:15 A munkaerőpiac és a szociális háló egyensúlyának létrehozását, fenntartását biztosító európai szintű és nemzeti szabályozás és mechanizmus kiépítésnek feladatai

Előadó: dr. Herczog László, korábbi Szociális és Munkaügyi miniszter 20 perc

17:15 – 17:25 A III. Tanácskozás összefoglalása, lezárása 10 perc

Benyik Mátyás

Kategória: Nincs kategorizálva | A Magyar Társadalmi Fórum (MTF) 2021. április 23-i, III. (virtuális) tanácskozásának programja bejegyzéshez a hozzászólások lehetősége kikapcsolva

Dr. Lugosi Győző halálára (1952-2021)

Dr. Lugosi Győző

Ma kaptuk a szörnyű hírt, hogy Győző barátunk, kiváló eszmetársunk 69 éves korában Covid-ban elhúnyt. Megrendülten és megdöbbenten állunk e tényt hallva, mély fájdalommal emlékezünk rá. Együttérzünk a családjával ezekben a szomorú órákban és napokban. Felidézzük életének fontos állomásait, ezzel tisztelegve emberi nagysága és tudományos teljesítménye előtt.

Lugosi Győző Budapesten az ELTE történelem–francia szakán szerzett tanári képesítést 1976-ban. Ezt követően egy évet ösztöndíjasként a párizsi École Normale Supérieure-ön tanult, illetve egyidejűleg – kezdő kutatóként – bekapcsolódott a Centre National des Recherches Scientifiques „Az Indiai-óceán nyelvei, kultúrái és társadalmai” elnevezésű kutatócsoportja és az École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales közös szemináriumának munkájába. 1982-től tanított az ELTE Új- és Legújabb kori (Jelenkori) Egyetemes Történeti Tanszékén, docensi beosztásban. 1983-ban szerzett egyetemi doktori, 2002-ben PhD-fokozatot. A régi Madagaszkár társadalmával kapcsolatos kutatásain kívül fő oktatói-kutatói témái a Közel- és Közép-Kelet 19–20. századi történelme, illetve a hidegháborús államközi rendszer történeti kérdései. 1994-től szerkesztője, majd felelős szerkesztője az Eszmélet című társadalomkritikai és kulturális folyóiratnak. 1994-től mintegy másfél évtizeden keresztül a budapesti Kossuth Klub igazgatója volt.

Emberfeletti munkát végzett, meggyőződésből, odaadásból, nemcsak hitt a Tőkén túl világában, hanem már a jelenben is megvalósította. Kicsiben, a maga odaadó módján.

Az Attac Magyarország Egyesület Lugosi Győző emlékét megőrzi, munkásságát a rendszerkritikai baloldal hagyománya részeként ápolni fogja.

Győzőtől búcsúznunk kell, de tudjuk, hogy szellemiségében velünk marad.

Az ATTAC Egyeztető Tanácsa nevében:

Benyik Mátyás, elnök

Kategória: Nincs kategorizálva | Dr. Lugosi Győző halálára (1952-2021) bejegyzéshez a hozzászólások lehetősége kikapcsolva


Italian platform of many individual social movements, including Attac Italia


A virus has put into crisis the whole world: Covid 19 has spread around all over the planet in a very short time, has led half the world population to self-reclusion, has stopped productive, commercial, social and cultural activities and it still continues to claim victims.

Inside the social and sanitary emergency each of us has experimented the precariousness of existence, the fragiity and interdipendence of human and social life. We have had clear demonstration of which activities and jobs are really essential to life and community. We have been given proof of how frail the connection with life and different ecological systems is: we are not the planet’s owners, nor do we own the life it contains, we are part of life on the earth and on it we depend.

For decades we have had politics of cutting, privatization and corporatising, of profit driven globalization, and this has turned a serious epidemiologic problem into a mass tragedy, showing how essential and broad the social dimension of the right to health is.

The pandemic disease has highlit the fact that a system based on the market’s unique thought and on profit, on a predatory anthropocentrism, on the reduction of all living beings to mere goods, is not able to guarantee protection to anyone.

The pandemic disease is a proof of the systemic crisis in place, whose main evidences are determined by the dramatic climate crisis, caused by global warmth and by the gigantic social inequality, reaching unprecedented levels.

Climate emergency is nearing the irreversible breaking point of the geological, chemical, physical and biological balances that make Earth an habitable place: social

inequality has become more evident yet during the pandemic disease, showing clearly that the current economic, health and cultural system has an inclination to select between worthy lives and waste ones.

Climate justice and social justice are two faces of the same coin and they require a radical change of direction in an extremely short time, as regards the current economic model and its social, environmental and climatic aspects.

Nothing can be as it was before, for the simple reason that disaster was caused exactly by the previous condition.

Now more than ever, we have to counter a system subjecting everything to profit economy with the building up of a care society, which is self care and care for the other, for living creatures, for the common home and for the coming generations.

  1. Ecological society conversion

Climatic emergency is dramatically nearing the tipping point. Time at our disposal is running out: global warming is getting worse, fires are increasing, glaciers’ disappearing and coral reefs’death are getting faster, whole ecosystems and animal and plant species are disappearing, floods and extreme weather events are rising.

Our growing vulnerability to pandemics, too, has its deep cause in the destruction of natural ecosystems, in the progressive productive industrialization first of all in the food and agriculture sector, and in the quick rate of funds, goods and people moving. A production model based on toxic chemical and on intensive livestock farming has caused a vertical increase of deforestation and a drastic decrease of biodiversity. All this, added to a rising urbanization, to the mega-cities expansion and to pollution intensifying, has led to an abrupt habitat change for several animal and plant species. This has overturned well-established ecosystems, modifying their functioning and allowing greater proximity between wild and domestic animals.

A drastic change of direction in extremely fast times is absolutely necessary and mandatory.

We need to promote the social repossession of ecological reserves and of the food supply chains, saving it from agribusiness and large scale distribution, in order to guarantee food sovereignty, that is the peoples’right to healthy and culturally appropriate food, produced through ecologically sound and sustainable methods.

We need to start a deep ecological conversion of the technlogical and industrial system, starting from the collective decision on “what, how, where, how much and for whom” to produce; we have also to adopt an ecosystem-based and circular approach to processing cycles and to supply chains, from the extraction of materials to production, from enhancement to markets, to final consumption.

It is necessary for us to invert the course of international commerce and of financial investment, and to substitute the current untouchability of profits with human, environmental, economic and social rights inviolability. We need to make all rules on social and evironmental protection binding for every company, starting from corporation ones, instead of allowing them to act only voluntarily or in philantropic forms.

A new energetic paradigm, with immediate abandonment of fossil fuels, has to be based on energy that is “clean, territorial and democratic”, instead of “ thermic, centralized and militarized”. A healthy approach to land and mobility should stop

consumption of soil and useless and damaging large works and even less large ones, so that we can live in communities, cities and settlement systems that are places of dignified life, social relations and culture, interconnected in a sustainable way.

The power relation among human beings and every other form of life on the planet must be deeply reconsidered: we can not stand and watch the destruction of so many animal species and the brutal exploitation of several others, thinking we can stay free of the epidemiological, environmental, ecologic and ethical consequences.

We need an ecologic conversion, a cultural revolution that may inspire and promote a change both in economics and in lifestyles.

  1. Work, income and welfare in the care society

The pandemic disease has made more evident the fact that no economic output is possible without assuring the biological and social reproduction, as the eco-feminist thinking and the cosmogonic vision of native peoples have always maintained.

Social reproduction, meaning all the activities and the institutions necessary to guarantee life in its full dignity, means care of yourself and of others, care for the environment: and it is around these issues that the whole socio-economic model has to be reconsidered.

The pandemic desease has sunk the vulnerable groups of society more and more deeply into desperation, from migrants to homeless, from unemployed to disabled ones, from frail people to dependant ones; it has widened the condition of precariousness, causing millions of people to find themselves without any income.

A care society cannot exist without overcoming every condition of precariousness and ridefining the notions of social well-being, work, income and welfare.

The ecological conversion is a fight to give up all the activities which harm human co- existence, among them and with the Earth, to foster different activities providing self care, care of the other and of all the living system: life reproduction under the best conditions we can achieve.

Working activities must be based on a wide socialization of necessary work, together with a sharp reducing of the individual work-devoted time: in this way access to work will be the result of a solidarity redistribution, not of a cruel competition among people and countries. We need to build up a new scenery subjecting exchange value to use value and organizing production on the basis of social , environmental and gender needs.

If self-care, care for the other and for the environment are the goals of this new social pact, income is the social dividend of cooperation among everyone’s activities, and the right to a guaranteed income is the recognition of the central role of every individual’s activities in the construction of a society that takes care of everyone and leaves out noone, cancelling precariousness, exclusion and marginalization from people’s life.

The right to knowledge, to education, to culture, to correct information, to learning as a powerful factor of reduction of inequality, whose key reason is cultural poverty, has to be fully recognised.

A new universal welfare system has to be realized, and it must be based on the acknowledgement of personal affections’ community and of supportive mutualism, on a collective self-governing of services and on the care for the common house.

  1. Social Reappropriation of commons and public services

No protection is possible if the fundamental rights to life and to life quality are not guaranteed. Recognising natural commons, starting from water, essential good for life on our planet, and social commons requires putting the social, ecologic and gender paradigm in the place of the financial one; since natural commons and social ones, emerging and at civic use, are founding elements of life and of life dignity, of territorial cohesion and of an environmentally and socially oriented society.

If we want to protect commons and public services, which guarantee their access and availability, we have to take them immediately out of the market, and realize a decentralized, community-based and participative handling.

It is mandatory to socialize production of all basic goods, strategic to general interest purpose: from primary goods and services (foodstuffs, water, education and research, health and social services, housing); to those that make a considerable part of other economic activities possible (transport, energy, telecommunications, optical fiber); to long term investment choices of a scientific, technological and cultural type, able to modify people’s material and spiritual life over time and in a significant measure.

  1. Centrality of territories and local democracy

Up to now we have lived a growth totally based on the quantity and speed of the flow of goods, people and money, on the centrality of global markets and of intensive production, and on the subsequent unregulated hyperconnection of financial, productive and social systems. This has been the main vector which has allowed the virus to spread all over the planet at a rate never seen before, travelling in the body of specialized managers and specialized technicians, as well as in those of logistic and transport workers, and of turists.

Rethinking society organization involves relocating lots of production activities starting from territorial communities and their associated cooperation, which all have to become the core of a new transformative economics, environmentally, socially and ethically based.

Communities are the places where humans, other animals, land and landscape coexist, each with its irrepressible history, culture and identity. Globalization planer has tried to homologate differences and peculiarities, giving rise to resistances that have too often pushed towards a closed and exclusive communalism version. The challenge, also a cultural one, is to design future as a system of open, cooperative, inclusive and interdependent communities.

This involves also the reterritorialization of political choices, with an essential role entrusted to town councils, towns and territorial communities, as they are places of real local democracy, whose inhabitants take a proactive part in collective decision making.

Through popular repossession of national and international institutions it will be possible to guarantee, defend and state equality of rights and relationships among the various areas of country systems, regional and continental systems and world system.

  1. Peace, cooperation, reception and solidarity

The pandemic desease has not respected any of the manifold geographical and social divisions, nor any of the human-built hierarchies: from borders to social class, going through the fake concept of race. It has demonstrated that real safety can not be built against and at the expense of others: to feel safe you have to make everybody safe.

To make this happen, it is necessary that every people is granted the right to a healthy environment, social equality, non-destructive access to natural resources.

We need to stop every policy of domination inside the relations between people, putting an end to every colonialistic politcs exercised through military domination and war, trade or investment agreements, exploitation of people, of living beings and of the common home. We cannot accept anymore our consumption levels to be supported by exploitation of other countries’ resources and on outrageously uneven exchange relations.; neither can we accept the existence of military alliances having as their goal the control and the exploitation of strategic areas and of their resources.

The care society refuses extractivism because it attacks native peoples, dispossesses the common natural resources and multiplies environmental devastation. For this reason the care society supports the self-determination of peoples and communities, fair trade, horizontal cooperation and the shared and jointly responsible custody of global commons.

War against migrants is by now one of the basic elements of the current global system. Whole areas of the planet- seas, deserts, border zones- have become open air giant graveyards, places where excruciating violence and oppression take place, where millions of human beings are denied each and every right and dignity.

The care society dismantles ditches and walls, and it does not build up fortresses either. It says no to dominion and recognizes cooperation among peoples. It faces and gets over institutional racism and economic and cultural colonialism, by means of which still today dominant powers enter into relationship with natural persons, cultural knowkedge and the planet’s resources.

The care society refuses every form of fascism, racism, sexism, discrimination and it builds bridges among people and cultures practicing hospitality, rights and solidarity.

  1. Science and technology at the service of life, not of war

Scientific research and technological innovation are essential for the construction of a care society allowing everyone a decent life, but they can be turned into destructive elements if they are put at the service of oppression and war, and not at the service of life. Directions and results have to be led back towards people’s empowerment, not social authoritarian control, towards wealth redistribution, not accumulation, towards peace and solidarity, not destruction of lives, society and nature.

It is particularly serious that atomic arms race and improvement of nuclear weapons’ targeting system are still going on, while international commitments to outlawing the use of the deadliest weapon get weaker. The knowledge and resources of a society can not be directed to make arms, keep armies, be members of alliances based on military dominion, take part in military missions and war, reject migrants, build up a digitably manipulatable and falsifiable reality.

Control on Big Data, Artificial Intelligence and digital infrastructures will decide the form of future institutions, and people have to be able to exercise digital sovereignty on every sensible aspect of their existence. A digital democratic future, where data are a public infrastructure and a common good under people’s control, has to be conceived.

  1. Finance at the service of life and rights

The pandemic desease has clearly shown that in order to to cure people The European Union has been obliged to suspend stability pact, fiscal compact and Maastricht benchmarks. This means these links are not only unnecessary, but also are against people’s life, dignity and care. Economic financialisation and society’s and nature’s commercialization are the causes of the deep social inequality and of the dramatic environment devastation.

Putting finance at the service of life and rights means taking back the produced social wealth, thus cancelling illegitimate and hateful debt and applying a strongly progressive tax system, able to go and get resources where they are, in the affluent social classes, in the large estates, in big business profits.

No ecologic and social transformation will be possible without putting an end to the only globalization the capitalistic model has succeeded in realizing totally: the one of uncontrolled movements of goods and capital. A borderless capital that can proceed without any constraint where it likes, determining the choices of the economic and social policy of States, thus compelled to compete one against the other, offering national and foreign investors benefits more and more harmful to their citizens’ and the environment’s rights.

To obtain this goal it is necessary to nationalize the banking system, turning it into a public service for savings, credit and investment, territorially run with the direct involvement of organized users, bank workers, municipalities and territorial productive sectors .

Without a new public and participative finance, no ecologic and social transformation of the economic and productive model will be possible, and long term decisions about society will stay in the power of financial lobbies and big multinationals.

We want a society that places life and its dignity at thecentre, that is able to be interdependent with nature, thatbuilds its productions on use value, its exchanges onmutualism, its relations on equality, its decisions onparticipation.

We will all fight together to make it come true

Kategória: Nincs kategorizálva | MANIFESTO OUT OF THE PROFIT ECONOMY BUILDING UP THE CARE SOCIETY bejegyzéshez a hozzászólások lehetősége kikapcsolva

Press Release of CEE Alliance for Solidarity with the Saharawi People

Co-President of CEE Alliance
Matyas Benyik, Co-President of the CEE Alliance for Solidarity with the Saharawi People

The Solidarity Conference of CEE Alliance was held via Zoom on 14th March 2021 between 18:00 and 19:30 CET with about 250 participants from 12 countries commemorating the 45th anniversary of the proclamation of the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR).

Keynote speakers were invited from Russia, Poland, Hungary, Slovenia, Croatia, Romania, representing different civil society organizations (CSOs), mainly Western Sahara solidarity groups, peace and human rights activists as well as political parties.

CEE Alliance and all other CSO activists of the conference reaffirmed that they keep continuing their solidarity activities with the Saharawi people in its long-overdue process of decolonisation. They all strongly condemned the various Moroccan violations of the UN-backed cease-fire, the violations of human rights and the massive plundering of natural resources.

Co-President Matyas Benyik declared that

  • Morocco has no sovereignty over Western Sahara, it is a simple illegal occupying force;
  • Western Sahara is the property of the Saharawis;
  • Members of the CEE Alliance stand for the international legality and the Saharawi people’s rights;
  • we are supporting the international efforts aimed at achieving a peaceful and lasting solution based on the excercise by the Saharawi people of their inalienable right to self-determination and independence.

Mr. Oubbi Bachir, Ambassador in charge of Europe and the European Union. emphasized that since last November there is no ceasefire and the war resumed between Polisario Front and the Moroccon armies. For the Saharawis it is not a surprise that the cease-fire was broken, because MINURSO has failed due to the lack of holding the UN backed referendum, and because the political process has been paralised. By now a new reality has emerged, so a new format, or a new framework must be put in place according to the African Union resolutions. Polisario is ready to accept the direct negotiations with Morocco, but it continues the armed struggle at the same time.

Budapest, 19 March 2021.

Matyas Benyik

Co-President of CEE Alliance

Kategória: Nincs kategorizálva | Press Release of CEE Alliance for Solidarity with the Saharawi People bejegyzéshez a hozzászólások lehetősége kikapcsolva


of the Eastern European Alliance for the Solidarity with the Saharawi People

On February 27, the Polisario Front marked the 45th anniversary of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, which it declared in 1976 to be the rightful government of the territory of Western Sahara. During the celebration the Polisario decried the continuing political impasse over the territory, which Morocco also claims.

The conflict dates back to 1975, when the departing colonial power, Spain, made a secret deal for the sparsely populated country to be partitioned between Morocco and Mauritania. France was also part of the deal: as a former colonial power in both Morocco and Mauritania, it had a strongly neocolonial relationship with both.

The partition was resisted by the Saharawi liberation movement the Polisario Front. It had begun an armed independence struggle against Spain a few years earlier, declaring the independence of the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR). The Polisario Front achieved a number of victories, their troops even reaching the Mauritanian capital, Nouakchott. Mauritania and Western Sahara have been at peace since 1978, and Mauritania, like most African nations and the African Union, now recognizes the SADR.

However, Morocco, whose powerful armed forces were augmented by an increased flow of arms from the United States, Israel, and other Western countries, in particular France, was able to seize about 80 percent of the country, including all of the coast, population centers, and resources. More than half of the Saharawi population fled to refugee camps on the forty-one-kilometer-long border with Algeria, where they and their descendants still live. Algeria has allowed the SADR effective control of the refugee camps on the border, where at least 165,000 Saharawis live. While this population experiences extreme material deprivation — there is no electricity grid or running water in the camps, little agricultural potential, and virtually no economy — the camps are democratically run, highly egalitarian, and very socially cohesive. Cuban assistance has created a functioning health and education system, but UN food aid has not been adequate to meet nutritional needs.

During the 1980s Morocco constructed, with Israeli assistance, a 2700 km–long wall and minefield separating the occupied territories from the liberated zone under Polisario control.

After Morocco took control of Western Sahara, the Sahrawis faced mass displacement, and many now languish in desert camps, with few options but to depend on humanitarian aid. Now, they may be about to become even more vulnerable. Although Western Sahara has been in limbo for decades, a series of recent developments raises the specter of a new wave of violence, which could hurt the Sahrawis above all.

Last year, on November 13, the Polisario declared null and void the 1991 United Nations-backed ceasefire that ended a 16-year-long insurgency, leaving the SADR in control of about 20% of the territory and Morocco holding the rest. The Polisario cited Morocco’s deployment of troops in a UN-patrolled buffer zone to reopen an important road linking Moroccan-controlled areas of Western Sahara and neighboring Mauritania. The Polisario Front had blocked the road a month earlier, arguing that, because it did not exist at the time of the truce, it was illegal.

The cease-fire was violated by the Moroccans, when they launched a military operation against Saharawi civilians. The cease-fire is also redundant since the Moroccan army has opened breaches in the military wall, and in fact started building a new wall in the Guerguerat region.

The Western Sahara dispute has long been muddied by conflicting public perceptions. While the Polisario have worked hard to shape international public opinion in their favor, Morocco has remained largely silent. But Morocco’s quietly resolute approach has left room for the Polisario to pursue a wily policy of judicialization, using courts and legal mechanisms to shape answers to thorny moral and public-policy questions.

The law of occupation – a body of international humanitarian law – is not applicable. Of the 47 UN General Assembly resolutions on Western Sahara adopted since 1975, occupation was mentioned in only in 1979 and 1980, both of which were highly controversial. None of the 69 Security Council resolutions on Western Sahara makes any reference to occupation. These resolutions urged the parties to negotiate a political settlement, whether in the form of a straightforward independence referendum, as the Polisario demands, or an agreement to establish Western Sahara as an autonomous region, as Morocco has proposed. To that end, the Security Council has repeatedly extended the mandate of the UN Mission for the Organization of a Referendum in Western Sahara.

The Polisario Front is on the opinion that the UN hasn’t done enough to deliver the referendum. UN-led negotiations between Morocco and the Polisario, with Algeria and Mauritania as observers, have been suspended since early 2019. The status quo in Western Sahara – and the Maghreb more broadly – is not sustainable any more.

CEE Alliance is strongly condemns the various Moroccan violations, namely: the violations of the cease-fire, the human rights violations, and the massive plundering of natural resources.

CEE Alliance declares that

1.) Morocco has no sovereignty over Western Sahara, it is a simple illegal occupying force;

2.) Western Sahara is the property of the Saharawis;

3.) it stands for the international legality and the Saharawi people’s rights!

Budapest, 14 March 2021

Matyas Benyik, Co-President of

CEE Alliance for Solidarity with

the Saharawi People

Kategória: Nincs kategorizálva | STATEMENT bejegyzéshez a hozzászólások lehetősége kikapcsolva

“A NATO és a patriarchátus” webes szeminárium 2021.03.07.-én vasárnap este 20:00 órakor

A Nemzetközi Nőnap alkalmából webes szemináriumot szervez a No to War, No to NATO Hálózat (,  a Nők Kanadai Hangja a Békéért, a Hawaii Békéért és Igazságért, valamint a Veteránok a Békéért 113-as Hawaii Alakulat, a Svédországi Nők a Békéért, a Finnországi Nők a Békéért, a Nők az Atomenergia Ellen és a Les Artistes pour la Paix. 

Csatlakozzatok a NATO patriarchális militarizmusának, katonai kiadásainak és 2030-ra szóló tervének elutasítása érdekében. Ray Acheson a Women’s International League for Peace & Freedom (WILPF) leszerelési programjának, nevezetesen a Reahing Critical Will-nek igazgatója. Ray a NATO megfigyelőcsoportjának “A NATO reflexiós csoportjának patriarchális militarizmusa” című fejezetéről fog beszélni:

Ray Acheson beszédét követően öt előadót hallgatunk meg röviden: Kristine Karch (Németország), Ann Wright (Egyesült Államok), Rae Street (Egyesült Királyság), Ingela Mårtensson (Svédország) és Tamara Lorincz (Kanada). 


Az esemény Facebookon is elérhető lesz itt:

Kérjük, osszátok meg “NATO and the Patriarchy” eseményt a Facebookon: 

A magyar nők készítsenek egy kis táblát:  „Ne lőj fiam, mert én is ott leszek!” felirattal, amelyet felmutatnak, amikor csoportkép készül a webinárium során. A webes szemináriumon résztvevő férfiak tábláján „Nemet a NATO-ra”, illetve „Férfiak a NATO ellen” feliratot emelhetnének fel. 

Magyar Társadalmi Fórum

Kategória: Nincs kategorizálva | “A NATO és a patriarchátus” webes szeminárium 2021.03.07.-én vasárnap este 20:00 órakor bejegyzéshez a hozzászólások lehetősége kikapcsolva